Recently, protests broke out in New Caledonia after the French parliament approved a constitutional reform that allowed more non-indigenous people to vote. The reform, which allowed all citizens who have lived in the country for at least ten years the right to vote in provincial elections, has been heavily contested by the pro-independence movement, which believes that this move greatly diminishes the electoral influence of the Kanak people. Nathalie Tehio, President of the Human Rights League, explains that the amendment of the constitution left a bad taste in the mouth of the Kanak people, who “saw this as a threat to their representation in institutions and the conclusion of the decolonization process.” Accordingly, Tehio says that this move was made with complete disregard for the indigenous Kanaks, who make up around 40% of the population. To better understand this unrest (largely unreported in many media outlets), it’s best to first discuss New Caledonia’s current political status.
Pre-colonization
Before the French colonized New Caledonia in 1853, it was ruled by the Kanak people, an Indigenous Melanesian population. The Kanaks were a sophisticated culture, having a well-established society organized into clans and tribes, each led by a chieftain.
As with many early civilizations, the Kanaks deeply revered the land and deeply intertwined their lives with it, engaging in such acts as fishing, hunting, and agriculture.
French colonization
In 1853, France annexed New Caledonia, marking the beginning of a tumultuous colonial era. The Kanaks believed introducing European settlers and penal colonists overlooked and sometimes completely disrespected their culture and spiritual way of life. In particular, they felt that the colonial administration exploited their land, especially nickel (an industry heavily impacted by the current crisis), while they faced social and economic exclusion. 
Modern life
To address the historical injustices faced by the Kanak people, several laws were created and passed to give them greater autonomy and rights in their own land. The 1988 Matignon-Oudinot Accords, the 1998 Nouméa Accords, and the 1999 Organic Law promised the gradual decolonization of New Caledonia – a part of a scheme of “shared sovereignty.” Specifically, the Nouméa Accords promised three referendums to decide the country’s political status, one each in 2018, 2020, and 2021. The pro-independence Kanak and Socialist Nationalist Liberation Front (FLNKS) called for the third referendum a few years ago but was rejected because of the pandemic. At the same time, a new title on the “transitional provisions for New Caledonia” was added to the French Constitution. The title provided for the freezing of the electorate for the three referendums. The French government also declared the Nouméa Accords null and void and urged local politicians to create a new electoral body. Unable to agree on this electoral body, the government amended the constitution to allow anyone who has lived in New Caledonia for ten years to vote in provincial elections. Tehio writes, “After the 2021 referendum, the Caledonian Union, a FLNKS member, set up a mobilization group, the Field Action Coordinating Cell (CCAT), which has organized protests against the electoral change. The French government ignored our warnings about the dangers of forcefully passing the amendment, and protests degenerated into blockades and fires in and around the capital, Nouméa, leading to the imposition of a curfew, a state of emergency, and the blocking of TikTok. The army was deployed. There are reports of police abuse and people forming anti-Kanak militias.”
Current unrest
We are currently witnessing the culmination of decades of frustration over a yearning for genuine sovereignty. The Kanak people want their rights to be recognized, their land given back to them, and other cultural preservation initiatives that honor their way of being and having a profound connection to the land. French President Emanuel Macron has been attempting to extinguish the flames in this tiny but strong-minded French territory. He has asked Prime Minister Gabriel Attal and Interior and French Overseas Territories Minister Gérald Darmanin to “create conditions for a dialogue involving both parties.” These discussions would “collectively and responsibly find an agreement beyond the mere unfreezing (of the electorate).” Nevertheless, the Kanaks seem to have had enough. Despite some Kanak leaders encouraging others to remain calm, the FLNKs refused to speak to the three senior officials who accompanied French President Macron on a whirlwind visit. As of the time of writing, there is still unprecedented unrest in the country, with six dead and hundreds more injured. France declared a state of emergency in New Caledonia and labeled the current situation “intolerable.”
How does the region view the conflict?
The Pacific Elders’ Voice, a group of leading Pacific politicians, has asked President Macron to “respect the wishes of Indigenous leaders in New Caledonia, who have called for the deferral of the third independence referendum due to a spoke in Covid-related death.” More leaders (both within and outside the Pacific) have called for peace and expressed solidarity with the Kanak people. Particularly, they noted their concern about France’s hesitation to offer complete independence to its many sovereignties.
What can be done to prevent further escalation?
Recent events underscore the need to address historical grievances and modern challenges clearly and precisely. At the heart of the unrest is the question of identity and self-determination among the Kanaks. The Indigenous Kanak people (who represent a significant portion of the population) want to reclaim their cultural heritage and political autonomy – a movement that has been historically disregarded by France. Yet, some argue that continued relations with France offer better economic stability and security for the small archipelago in the South Pacific. The current situation necessitates a more nuanced approach that respects the desires of all parties involved. We must foster open dialogue and negotiation guided by mutual respect and understanding principles. Some talking points to consider:
- Decentralization. France should consider implementing policies that empower local communications and offer more political representation.
- Economic development. Initiatives should prioritize economic development across all segments of society. This will alleviate socio-economic disparities and reduce dependence on external aid.
- Cultural preservation. France should recognize and preserve the Kanak people’s cultural heritage, including their languages, traditions, and land rights.
- International support. In this highly connected age, international organizations and neighboring countries should act as impartial observers to provide additional support and ensure that any agreement is respected and implemented effectively.
This, obviously, is easier said than done, but it is crucial for any reconciliation to happen.
Compromise for a fragile peace
Historically, we have seen the Kanak people being pushed aside and their wishes and demands completely undermined. Yet, a total reversal of power could lead to further instability. The path to peace in New Caledonia requires a commitment to inclusivity, justice, and compromise. How the world approaches this seemingly “far away” problem could set a precedent for other nations, including the United States. Some experts have even said that the current instability in New Caledonia could hold a deeper meaning for US strategists – particularly how they interact with the growing Chinese presence in the South Pacific. Ultimately, New Caledonia’s future is not a zero-sum game. All voices must be heard and represented in the political process. A just resolution that addresses the Kanak desire for self-determination while considering the concerns of all citizens is arguably the only way to achieve lasting peace. Again, this may be easier said than done and requires compromise on all sides. That said, it is only through compromise (with France acknowledging the legitimacy of Kanak aspirations and Kanak leaders willing to work within a framework that respects the rights of all New Caledonian citizens) that the country can experience a brighter, more inclusive future.
